BOOK I
In contrast with the rest of the Republic, book i strongly resembles
a Socratic dialogue. Socrates considers and rejects various conventional
views about justice -- both Cephalus's law conception as telling the truth
and repaying one's debts (331cd) and Polemarchus's more Homeric conception
as benefiting one's friends and harming one's enemies (332a-336a).
These definitions suffer from the "compresence of opposites," the F and
not-F problem.
THRASYMACHUS
Like Callicles, Thrasymachus notes a tension between eudaimonism and
the recognition of other-regarding virtues, such as justice.
(a) Justice is the advantage of the stronger (338c1-2);Thrasymachus takes the ruler to be stronger and so by (a) takes justice to be conformity with the ruler's orders. If justice only applies to inferiors, this makes justice another's good. This account of justice makes it out to be in the ruler's, not the subject's, interest (341b1-c1). Socrates replies by appeal to the craft analogy. Crafts are generally concerned with the perfection of their objects; if so, ruling should aim at the welfare of the subjects (342bc). However, Thrasymachus replies that crafts are practiced for the good of craftsmen, not the good of the objects of the craft (341b1 c1). Socrates rejoins that Thrasymachus is conflating the original craft (e.g. shepherding) that aims at the good of its object with the money making craft (345c 346c). But even if Socrates were right about distinguishing the crafts in this way, we would presumably want to distinguish between the particular craft's aiming at producing a good product and aiming at the good of the product (the good x and the good of x). Shepherds aim at producing good wool or lamb-chops but not at the good of the sheep.
(b) Justice is the advantage of the ruler (339a1-2); and
(c) Justice is another's good (343c1-3).
Notice that in attacking justice Thrasymachus makes two significantly different claims:
(i) Justice is not a virtue, because justice is not always more advantageous than injustice (348c).Though both (i) and (ii) challenge Socratic assumptions, (ii) is a much stronger claim. Among other things, Socrates argues that achieving one's aims requires the cooperation of others which requires justice -- there must be justice even among thieves (351c-354a). Is cooperation among thieves justice? In any case, thieves can and do have a selective concern with justice. This concern for justice is compatible with significant, if selective, injustice. But then Socrates's argument undermines Thrasymachus's stronger claim (ii), but not his weaker claim (i). But Socrates's claim that justice is sufficient for happiness (353e8-354a6) requires him to reject both claims of Thrasymachus.
(ii) Injustice is a virtue, because injustice is always more advantageous than justice (348b8-349a3).
BOOK II
What role do Glaucon and Adeimantus play? How does their challenge
compare with Thrasymachus's? On the one hand, they make things easier
insofar they require only the comparative claim that justice always be
better than injustice, rather than Socrates's sufficiency claim that justice
is sufficient for happiness (a complete good).
On the other hand, Glaucon and Adeimantus make things harder for Socrates insofar as they retreat to Thrasymachus's weaker challenge to justice [(i) above]. Moreover, they require that justice be shown to be better in itself. They distinguish three kinds of goods (357b-):
(a) things good for their consequences,They want Socrates to show that justice is a c-good. They concede that justice is typically an a-good. So they demand that Socrates show that justice is a b-good (something that is both an a-good and a b-good is, of course, a c-good). When Socrates accepts their demand to show that justice is good in itself, Plato rejects a purely instrumental justification of justice. In so doing, Plato rejects a purely instrumental relation between virtue and happiness.
(b) things good in themselves, and
(c) things good both for their consequences and in themselves.
To make their demand clear, Glaucon and Adeimantus explain the instrumental value of justice. I benefit from another's justice, not my own. The reason I have to be just is that the justice of others is typically conditional on my own. Others won't be just toward me if they see that I am not just toward them. So in order to secure the benefits of other people being just toward me I must be just toward them. In this way, justice is good for its consequences. But this defense of justice is counterfactually unstable, as the ring of Gyges makes clear (359b-360d). For then I could receive the benefits of others' justice without incurring the costs of my own. But this shows that the conventional defense of justice is unstable; justice is really a second-best option behind the first-best option of practicing undetected injustice. But this is to praise the appearance of justice, rather than justice itself (360e-362c, 362e-363e, 365b-367a). Glaucon and Adeimantus demand a counterfactually stable defense of justice.
To understand counterfactual stability, imagine that we can rank possible worlds in terms of their value and that their value is a function of virtue and externals, including the appearance of justice or injustice. Moreover, partition these worlds into just and unjust worlds, all those possible worlds in which the agent is just and all those possible worlds in which the agent is unjust. Socrates must show that the worst just world (the world in which the agent is just but has the reputation for injustice and suffers other assorted bad fortune) is better than the best unjust world (the world in which the agent is unjust but has the reputation of justice and is the beneficiary of other assorted good fortune). And this would be to show that justice in itself, independently of its attendant circumstances, is good. This would show that justice is a b-good, as well as an a-good, which would show that it is in fact a c-good.
Is this demand coherent? Can justice be shown to contribute to the agent's happiness without making its value depend upon some of its consequences? Their demand is coherent if they distinguish between intrinsic and extrinsic consequences of justice. For then Socrates can answer their challenge if he can show that justice is valuable for its intrinsic consequences.
JUSTICE
Socrates pursues the eudaimonist justification of justice indirectly,
by looking at the justice, not of an individual, but of a city. He
appeals to a macro-micro analogy (368d, 441cd).
JUSTICE AND THE DIVISION OF THE SOUL
Plato's tri-partite division of the soul appeals to a principle of
opposites (436b).
At 437e-438a Plato distinguishes between desire for F and desire for F qua good; at 439c-d he distinguishes between rational and nonrational desires; and at 442bc he distinguishes desires that are good-independent and those that are good-dependent. This will yield three, and not just two, parts of the soul if we distinguish
Plato uses the division of the soul into rational (good-dependent) and nonrational (good-independent) parts to define (psychic) virtue as rule by the rational part of the soul. What does he have in mind by control of the rational part?
A person is wise by virtue of his rational part exercising directive control over the other parts of his soul (442c). A person is courageous by virtue of his emotional part honoring and enforcing the dictates of the rational part against his appetites (442bc). A person is temperate by virtue of his appetitive part obeying and agreeing in the rule by the rational parts (442cd). Justice is this relation among the parts of the soul in which each part does its job (441de, 443d). Might this account of psychic order be compatible with the inseparability and unity of the virtues? Imagine the virtues as involving a single tri-partite pyramid structure just viewed from four angles: the bottom (temperance), the middle (courage), the top (wisdom), and the bird's eye point of view (justice).
A FALLACY IN THE REPUBLIC?
We can see why the proper ordering of an individual's soul -- psychic
justice (p-justice) -- is good in itself. But what does p-justice
have to do with the demand to benefit others made by conventional justice
(c-justice) and challenged by both Thrasymachus and Glaucon and Adeimantus?
Plato thinks c-injustice results from p-injustice (442e-443b; cf. G 507a-e). But does all c-injustice arise from reason being a slave to the appetites? Mightn't there be c-injustice that is not impulsive but well calculated?
DEVIANT HAPPINESS
The account of deviant men in Republic viii-ix is relevant here.
Whereas the desires of the appetitive and spirited parts of the soul reflect
practical reasoning from a partial perspective, only the desires of the
rational part reflect practical reasoning from an impartial and comprehensive
perspective. Because each part of the soul engages in reasoning,
it is possible for Plato to think of each of them as if they were agents
(cf. 588c-d). In books viii-ix Plato examines the lives of
deviant people -- the timocrat, the oligarch, the democrat, and the tyrant
-- who correspond to the non-rational parts of the soul, precisely because,
in different ways, they are dominated by the non-rational parts.
Only when the rational part rules, is a person's conduct regulated by a concern for each part of his soul as part of his overall good (586d-587a; cf. 442c). Plato illustrates this claim by appealing to an image of the soul as consisting of a man, a lion, and a many-headed beast (588c-590d). It is fitting for the man to look after the beast, with the help of the lion; only in this way does the beast get what's best for it (589ab). If Plato literally identifies the rational part with a man, he introduces an apparently vicious regress, because the man himself must have three parts, including a rational part, which itself is a man, which in turn has three parts .... But the point of thinking of the rational part as a man having a whole soul is that the rational part alone has a comprehensive or impartial concern for the whole soul, including each of its parts. The rational part does not deny the appetitive and spirited parts but trains them and satisfies them as is appropriate for them as parts of an ordered whole (591c-592a). Here the health analogy becomes important. In caring for my whole body, I am concerned with the health and functioning of my bodily parts as parts of a larger, functioning whole. I will not eat as much as I can, but as much as contributes to optimal functioning of someone with my frame and build. Caring for my right arm will not consist in making it as strong as possible but in strengthening it in proportion to the rest of my body. Similarly, in pursuing the good of the whole soul, one will gratify diverse appetites and passions insofar as their gratification contributes to a well functioning tri-partite soul in which reason rules.
The account of deviant men in books viii-ix explains why Plato thinks that unhappiness is not due simply to compulsive action on the appetites and passions. He can argue that even calculated restraint in the service of honor, wealth, appetites, and lust does not secure happiness, because it does not represent a comprehensive concern for the various elements of the soul and their role in the agent's own good. If so, Plato can claim that various sorts of c-injustice, not simply compulsive c-injustice, involve p-injustice. But has he shown that all c-injustice involves p-injustice? Moreover, if Plato is to avoid the fallacy of irrelevance, he must show not only that c-injustice results from p-injustice but also that p-justice produces c-justice. Can he do this? Will the p-just person not only refrain from harming her neighbors (i.e. avoid c-injustice) but also do those positive acts of beneficence that c-justice requires? This depends upon the nature and results of directive rationality.
EROS AND ANOTHER'S GOOD
We get some picture of directive rationality if we look briefly at
Plato's account of love (eros) in the Symposium (esp. 206e-212c)
and Phaedrus (esp. 243c-257b). The Republic invites
this appeal in two ways. (1) Sometimes eros is linked with sexual
desire and the appetites, rather than the rational part (439d6-8).
But Plato also recognizes philosophical eros. Genuine philosophers
are lovers of truth (485a-d, 501d1-2; cf. Ph 68ab). Indeed, the Symposium
describes an ascent or progression from sexual desire to philosophical
eros (204d-, 211c). In the Republic Plato claims that the
philosopher will not have consummated his eros until he has had intercourse
with true reality and begotten intelligence and truth (490ab). (2)
But Plato also thinks that eros is other-regarding. He remarks upon
the love that a virtuous person will have for others (402d-403c, 412d).
Plato tries to connect (1) and (2).
Plato describes an ascent of desire through various stages (Symposium 210a-212a).
Such love benefits the beloved, because one benefits by becoming virtuous precisely insofar as one is better off being regulated by a correct conception of one's overall good. But Plato also believes that the lover benefits from loving another (Phaedrus 245b), as he must if he is to reconcile interpersonal love with his eudaimonism. The key to seeing how Plato can reconcile interpersonal love with self-love is to appreciate the way in which he thinks that reproducing one's virtuous traits in another is the next best thing to immortality (Symposium 206c1-209e5; Phaedrus 276e-277a).
Now although we speak of an individual as being the same so long as he continues to exist in the same form, and therefore assume that a man is the same person in his dotage as in his infancy, yet, for all we call him the same, every bit of him is different, and every day he is becoming a new man, while the old man is ceasing to exist, as you can see from his hair, his flesh, his bones, his blood, and all the rest of his body. And not only his body, for the same thing happens to his soul. And neither his manners, nor his disposition, nor his thoughts, nor his desires, nor his sufferings, nor his fears are the same throughout his life, for some of them grow, while others disappear. ... In this way every mortal creature is perpetuated, not by always being the same in every way, as a divine being is, but by what goes away and gets old leaving behind and in its place some other new thing that is of the same sort as it was [207d3-208b12].On Plato's view, intrapersonal and interpersonal love are parallel; indeed, love of another appears to be just a special case of self-love. I extend myself into the future by reproducing my traits into the future. But I can also reproduce myself somewhat less systematically in others by sharing thought and discussion with them, in particular, thought and discussion about how best to live. On this view, the interests of those whom I love become part of my interests in just the sort of way that the interests of my future self are part of my overall interests.
Does Platonic love express concern for the beloved's own sake? Because Socrates treats intrinsic and instrumental concern as mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive (Lysis 219c, 220ab), Socratic eudaimonism implies instrumental concern for the beloved.
POLITICAL VIRTUE
Plato thinks society should be based upon a natural division of labor
(NDL). NDL is reached by consideration of a person's function (353a,
369e, 406-408, 420b, 421b, 433a, 435a, 590d). F is the function of
x iff:
Notice that this account of political virtue does not ascribe political virtues to any particular class; the city as a whole is the bearer of these virtues. This is required by the macro-micro analogy. Though members of the ruling class may have psychic virtues, it is not any particular class (much less any members of a class) that have the political virtues.
THE JUSTIFICATION OF PHILOSOPHICAL RULE
Epistemological claims underlie Plato's defense of philosophical rule.
THE PHAEDO ON FORMS AND FLUX
According to Aristotle, Plato separates the forms, whereas Socrates
does not (Meta 987a31-b10, 1078b12-79a4, 1086a30-b7). Forms are ontologically
separate from sensible particulars just in case the former can exist independently
of the latter. Aristotle claims that it was the search for definitions
and knowledge that led Socrates to forms and that Plato's belief in sensible
flux that led him to posit Forms. The argument from flux goes something
like this (74a9-c5).
Plato's main claim is that sensible properties contain both F and not-F instances. In general, there is no reason to think that he believes that sensible particulars are both F and not-F. Presumably, particular actions are not both just and unjust. It's rather that in some cases returning what is owed is just, and in other cases it is not. However, in cases involving relational properties Plato does think that sensible particulars can have contradictory properties. Simmias is both tall (compared to Socrates) and short or not-tall (compared to Phaedo) (102b-d). And Helen is both beautiful (compared with mortals) and ugly or not-beautiful (compared with gods) (Hippias Major 289a-e).
Later in the Phaedo Plato returns to the topic of Forms and the nature of formal explanation.
AGAINST THE SIGHTLOVERS, AGAIN
Now we are in a position to better understand Plato's second argument
against the sightlovers.
'ESTI'
There is a question how to understand premise (1). We translate
the Greek verb `esti` with the English verb `to be`. `Esti`, like
`is` in English, admits of at least three different interpretations here:
existential, predicative, and veridical. This allows three different
readings of (1).
(1e) knowledge is set over what exists; ignorance over what does not exist; and belief over what exists and what does not exist.(2) results from understanding (1) as (1v). This (a) makes (1) more acceptable to the sightlovers, (b) makes best philosophical sense of the argument, and (c) fits what Plato says elsewhere about the relation between knowledge and true belief (esp. Meno 97b-99c, Tht 201c-d).
(1p) knowledge is set over what is F; ignorance over what is not F; and belief over what is F and ?F.
(1v) knowledge is set over what is true; ignorance over what is false; and belief over what is true and false.
THE RANGE OF NONSENSIBLE FORMS
The restriction to D-properties (e.g. relational, moral, and aesthetic
properties) is necessary to accommodate the "finger passage" (523-5), which
says that appeal to forms is necessary only where sensory accounts lead
to compresence,as they do with moral properties, but not with the property
of being a finger.
THE OBJECTS OF KNOWLEDGE AND BELIEF
Premise (1) together with Plato's association of knowledge with Forms
and mere belief with sensibles lead commentators to think that he is endorsing
a Two Worlds theory (TW) according to which there is knowledge only of
forms not sensibles, and there is belief only of sensibles. However,
TW would be an unwelcome Platonic commitment.
The image of the Cave is isomorphic to that of the Divided Line: C1 (the prisoners looking at shadows) corresponds to L1; C2 (the prisoners looking at models that cause shadows) to L2; C3 (ex-cons studying real objects through reflections and representations) to L3; and C4 (ex-cons studying objects themselves) to L4 (517b). After achieving C4/L4 philosophers return to the cave (520c).
PLATO'S AUTHORITARIANISM
The guardians of the ideal state regulate the behavior of citizens
so as to preserve NDL. They are free to implement NDL by whatever
means they deem necessary. They have discretion to lie if this promotes
social stability or happiness (389c, 459c). They should censor literary
and artistic works that do not adequately represent the virtuous life or
promote unity (377e-, 399e, 401b). They should install eugenics policies
that will produce the best possible offspring (456e, 459d e, 460c, 536a).
They should promulgate the myth that people are born with various mixtures
of the metals gold, silver, and bronze in their souls. Predominantly
gold souls will be rulers; predominantly silver souls will be auxiliaries;
and predominantly bronze souls will be artisans (415a-c). Rulers
ascertain the proportion of the metals in anyone's soul. They are
politically unaccountable; the other classes cannot hold public office,
and they have have no voting rights.
In assessing Plato's authoritarianism, we must remember that the political
institutions of the Republic are for ideal theory. Plato says
little about non-ideal theory in the Republic. He does not
think that the ideal state is impossible (499bc, 502c), but he does think
that genuine philosophers are rare (428e, 491ab, 503b) and that popular
prejudice will make it difficult to realize the ideal state (488a-489a,
502c, 516e-517a; cf. 592ab). At one point, he suggests that we might
try to approximate the ideal (437ab), but we should not assume that he
thinks that we should accept authoritarian rule by non-philosophers.
Indeed, in the Statesman
Plato claims that whereas monarchy is the best ideal constitution,
democracy is the best non-ideal constitution (302e6-8, 303a-b). If
so, we should assess aristocratic rule for the circumstances for which
it is defended, namely, ideal circumstances in which philosophers can be
found and convinced to rule.
PLATO AND MILL
It is tempting to suppose that Plato simply fails to see the moral
importance of individual liberty. But it is surprising to see the
extent to which Plato can accept many of the claims of liberals, such as
J.S. Mill, about the importance of individual liberties.
In On Liberty Mill distinguishes paternalistic restrictions of liberty from restrictions of liberty based upon the harm principle (i 9, iv 1-4, v 2). A's restriction of B's liberty is paternalistic if it is done for B's own sake; it is an application of the harm principle when its objective is to prevent harm to someone other than B. At some points, Mill appears to say that liberty may be restricted iff the restriction is an application of the harm principle (e.g. i 9).
PATERNALISM
If we could justify a blanket prohibition on paternalism, we would
seem to have a good argument against Plato. Mill offers two explicit
arguments against paternalism.
So far, Mill's arguments provide no principled rejection of paternalism, because they contain no case against successful paternalism (i.e. restrictions on B's liberty that do make B better-off). But Plato has attempted to ensure that all paternalism in the ideal state will be successful.
CENSORSHIP
As books ii, iii, and x show, many of the restrictions on liberty in
the ideal state take the form of censorship. Mill mentions four reasons
for ensuring free speech.
(1)-(2) present no challenge to reliable censors who censor all and only false beliefs. But Mill also believes that there would be something wrong with censorship even if the censors were perfectly reliable (ii 2). Here is where (3)-(4) are relevant. Mill appears to believe that freedom of expression is important because it is essential to the proper exercise of our deliberative capacities, in particular, our capacities for theoretical and practical reason. As cognitively limited beings, we require free exchange of ideas in order to expand our menu of options and to better understand the comparative merits of the items on this menu.
LIBERTIES AND DELIBERATIVE CAPACITIES
This argument for free speech is really just a special case of Mill's
more general argument for the importance of various liberties of thought
and action that appeals to the role of liberties in the realization of
progressive -- deliberative -- natures. If we ground the importance
of individual liberties in the exercise of deliberative capacities, what
basis do we have for rejecting Plato's authoritarianism? Plato does
not recognize liberty or self-expression as a part or constituent of happiness;
happiness is being ruled by one's rational part or by the reason of another
if one's own rational capacities are too weak (590cd). Because, on
his view, non-philosophers are incapable of justifying their beliefs, (3)
and (4) do not show freedom of speech to be part of their good. Perhaps
surprisingly, Mill accepts similar restrictions on the scope of his defense
of individual liberty.
It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to say that this doctrine is meant to apply only to human beings in the maturity of their faculties. We are not speaking of children or of young persons below the age which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood. Those who are still in a state to require being taken care of by others must be protected against their own actions as well as against external injury. For the same reason we may leave out of consideration those backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered in its nonage. ... Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being improved by free and equal discussion [i 10].Whereas liberty is a necessary condition for what is intrinsically valuable, it is not itself valuable and not extrinsically valuable for those without sufficiently developed rational faculties.
Plato can accept this account of the importance of individual liberties. His authoritarianism rests less on illiberal moral and political commitments than on his conception of human nature and the distribution of deliberative capacities. But even if rational capacities are not distributed equally, artisans and auxiliaries are neither children nor mental defectives; their good consists in their developing their rational capacities and assuming as much directive control of their own souls as is possible. Plato himself recognizes that everyone has a rational part (518c). If so, and if, as he believes, political institutions should be designed to promote the interests of each citizen (F1), then political institutions should develop everyone's capacities for deliberative control of their lives. But deliberative control of this sort presumably involves participation in public deliberations, a significant sphere for self-control and private deliberation, and informed and reflective assessment of alternatives in both public and private deliberation.
We can now see more clearly what is wrong with Platonic love and Plato's
conception of the way in which guardians should express their concern for
the welfare of their citizens. If, as Plato believes, my own good
consists in my exercising directive control over my appetites and passions,
then another cannot express proper concern for me for my own sake by trying
to improve me in ways in which my own deliberations play no essential role.
Concern for another must attempt to improve an agent's deliberative capacities
in ways that engage those capacities.